The Wealth Gap
Posted in Site Announcements on September 14th, 2010 by Rex Stanfield – Comments OffThe Wealth Gap
OPINION
It has been said that, if all the wealth were distributed evenly among all the world’s people in the morning, by afternoon some people would once again be rich and others would be poor, and most of them would be the same people. There is no avoiding that clever individuals will find ways to increase their wealth, or that those less clever will squander their assets. This is true, regardless of the economic system in which a society operates, but the freedom of individual self-determination inherent in a capitalist democracy makes it especially characteristic of the United States. The U.S. prides itself, after all, for being the land of opportunity.
This chart shows the percent income growth from 1947 to 2001, inclusive. Income statistics provided by the U.S. Census Bureau1 divide the population into fifths by income, and report the percent of total personal income earned by each one-fifth of the population. In addition, it reports the income percent earned by only the top 5% households. (That top 5% has been shown separately from the top 20% category here). In this 55 year period, the only category of income earners whose income increased, as a percent, is the 15% of Americans from the top 80% to the top 95%. All other categories lost income share. This can be, and has been, viewed as a wealth transfer to those who are already wealthy. Of note is the fact that the top 5% of income earners saw the greatest reduction in income percent during the 1960’s and 70’s, but that trend has begun to reverse in recent decades.
Is this an economic problem, or a social one? Or, is it even a problem at all? Some would say probably not. The promise of “a greater share of the pie” is what motivates Americans to achieve. One who lacks performance-based economic opportunity also lacks incentive toward productivity or innovation, since the benefits of his work do not accrue to himself. However, at what point does this trend approach critical mass? Obviously, it cannot ethically continue to the point at which the lowest fifth has nothing. In fact, my belief is that, because of the way wealth and income statistics are structured, the wealth gap is not as great as it appears to be. It is also not widening at the rapid level many claim, if at all, in real economic terms. And, to the extent it does exist, it is not undesirable, either economically, or socially, since a natural ebb tide of real wealth flows away from the top income earners, returning economic resources to those less wealthy.
The Poverty Line
First, when reporting the number of people below the poverty line, it is necessary to determine where that line is. An unavoidable consequence of drawing a poverty line at all is that, at incomes near the line, some households will be included, and others will not, though their incomes may differ by only one penny per year. As seen at right, wealth distribution is not linear. As population increases, from the poorest to the wealthiest, equal increments of population earn increasing marginal incomes. Therefore, if the poverty line is raised by only a small amount, marginally larger quantities of households are captured beneath it. Where one draws the line, then, has a tremendous impact upon the percent of population considered poor. A researcher desirous to show a large poor class, perhaps as a means of criticizing current government leaders, need only set that threshold slightly higher. A researcher anxious to support the current situation, in support of the administration, may lower the line, placing a large quantity of households above it.
Fortunately, the U.S. Census Bureau maintains a system of poverty thresholds in an effort to standardize this measurement. It establishes 48 separate poverty lines, each based upon various factors such as age, the number of people in a single household, the number of those people under 18 years of age, and the cost of living (As defined by the Consumer Price Index for All Urban Consumers.). The thresholds, shown here for 2004, result from an attempt to estimate the monetary costs of supplying the household with all essential goods and services required for survival. These are pre-tax gross income levels.

Of course, the USCB poverty line is, itself, somewhat arbitrary and plagued with problems inherent to all such measures. Namely,
• What goods and services are “essential”? Somewhere between food, clothing & shelter, and yachts & minks lies a vast gray area, in which it is debatable whether any item is essential for living. For example, a new automobile is a luxury to most, but having an automobile is absolutely essential, for most workers, in order to maintain a job outside the home. If public transit is available, does that mean the car payment then becomes non-essential? What about if the transit fare is higher per month than operating the car? Are gas, maintenance, and repairs to the car essential, or a luxury? These questions have to be answered in order to determine where the poverty level should be, and there are no easy answers.
• Poverty thresholds are based solely upon income, not wealth or actual expenses. A family could own their own home outright, a car, and a large stock portfolio, and be classified as living in poverty, if its income is below these poverty levels. At the same time, a different family could earn the same income, but have monthly rent or mortgage payments, and an auto loan, all of which inhibit the ability to afford food and clothing. If a household has a very low income, but great wealth, is the family poor? Most would say no. But under these guidelines, the answer is yes.
• A single threshold is used for all regions of the country, regardless of the cost of living. The problems here are obvious. A cost of living of $10,000 per year in Anniston, Alabama is equivalent to $25,750 per year in San Francisco, California3. Yet families in the two places, and all others in the 48 continental states, are measured using the same poverty yardstick.
Excluded Income
Once a poverty line is established, by whatever means, next comes the problem of deciding who falls above and below it. Again, tough questions must be answered. If a person has no job, but receives welfare or Medicaid payments, should that income count against poverty? The Census data above exclude three important types of income which, in economic terms, contribute to the family’s standard of living.
• Food Stamps. Food stamps are classed as a non-cash benefit, and are distributed in electronic form, using a magnetic card. (In some regions, paper vouchers are still used, but this is increasingly rare). This means that they are not included as income, and are not subject to federal income taxation. However, being a voucher system, they are clearly a cash substitute in real terms, and benefit eligibility is even computed in terms of dollars. In any case, the presence of food vouchers frees up household income for other essential, and possibly discretionary, spending and, therefore, should be considered income for the purposes of poverty eligibility.
For a family of four, food stamps can increase the household’s income by $6,072 of additional, nontaxable income. Now, referring to the generic example of a two-parent, two child household, the poverty threshold is $19,157 gross income per year, which would translate to around $15,326 net pay. (Using a realistic 20% withholding rate, though of course net tax liability at year end depends upon several factors, including income sources, deductions, exemptions for age and disability, etc.) The $6,072 of food stamp benefits received by the family during the year would increase their net earnings by almost 40%, to $21,398. The de facto equivalent gross income has now risen from $19,157 to $26,747. Or, more to the point, since the family’s specific income level does not affect benefit eligibility, as long as it, (and the family’s wealth level, since wealth is considered in determining food stamp eligibility) is below the requirements set by the USFDA3, the family’s pre tax poverty level should be set at $19,157 minus $7,590 or $11,567. ($7,590 is the equivalent gross income at which $6,072 after-tax income would be received).
• Housing Subsidies. The government provides homes for some households in government-owned buildings, subsidizes the building of low-cost housing for low-income families, and supplements rent payments to landlords for the difference between the market price and the price the family can afford, according to a predetermined formula. Such subsidies are based upon standards for family size and structure, and the cost of appropriate housing in the market containing the required number of bedrooms and amount of living space. There are many criticisms of this system, including, 1) the government gets into the practice of determining how much home a family is allowed to enjoy, 2) the system traps families into successive generations of a poverty cycle, never allowing them to escape from a life on the public dole, and 3) subsidized housing concentrates the poor into slums, “ghettos”, which drive out economic development and breed crime in its place.
Aside from those problems, the subsidies relieve the family of the need to provide for housing, either partially or completely. Since shelter is among the most basic of human needs surely the family would spend money to secure at least some subsistent dwelling in the absence of the subsidies. Therefore, subsidies contribute to the economic income, and standard of living, of the family, by freeing funds to purchase other goods and services. But, under the Census system, these subsidies do not contribute to lift the family above the poverty level, even if the family is otherwise near the threshold.
• Capital Gains and Losses At first glance, it might appear that, since people below the poverty level are unlikely to have stock portfolios, the matter of counting capital gains against poverty should be moot. But such thinking is a product of wag-the-dog perceptions which assume that anyone in poverty must also necessarily be poor, and that only poor people can be considered falling within poverty guidelines. In truth, there are some valid reasons for discounting market gains and losses, and some increasingly common problems with it. If gains and losses were included, and a trader who is wealthy with assets, but whose only source of income is capital gains, has a difficult year in the markets and incurs negative or low gains, he could be included as being in a state of poverty. But, the flip side of that coin, excluding gains and losses, is that everyone whose sole source of income is capital gains is counted in these poverty statistics, regardless how large the gains. Today an increasing number of people fit this profile, and some earn very nice livings well above those of the average worker. (Many successful day traders, who typically buy and sell in short-term positions, seldom stay in a single equity long enough to collect dividends, which would be counted as income against poverty, preferring instead to ride long or short against share prices.) Such a trader would be counted among the poverty-stricken in USCB statistics.
Facts about American Poverty
Concerns about the wealth gap necessarily revolve around the plight of its victims, the poor. After all, what harm would result from a class of very wealthy people, were it not for the suffering on the opposite end of the economic spectrum? Let’s examine the living conditions that the poor in America must endure.
According to USCB guidelines, those living in poverty in the United States cannot, or barely can, afford the most bare essentials required to live. By international standards, however, America’s poor would rank anywhere between middle class to affluent in many other countries. Working class people in Mexico risk capture (by both border patrol, and Mexican slave smugglers) for the chance to be poor in America. The wages they earn if they do arrive safely and find work are well below what is considered acceptable to Americans.
Robert E. Rector and Kirk A. Johnson, Ph.D. present some surprising facts, taken from the Census Bureau reports, about the lives of Americans below the poverty line.5
• 46% of poor American households own their own homes.
• 76% have air conditioning.
• Over 67% have more than 2 rooms per person, and only 6% are considered overcrowded.
• The amount of personal living space among the poor in America exceeds the average living space among all residents of Paris, London, Vienna, Athens, and many other European cities, regardless of wealth.
• Almost 3/4ths of poor Americans own their own car. 30% own 2 cars.
• 97% have a color television, and over half have more than one.
• 76% have a Video recorder or DVD player.
• 62% have subscriptions to cable or satellite television service.
• Over three quarters have a microwave oven.
• Over half have stereo equipment.
• One-third have an automatic dishwasher.
Starvation, and chronic hunger, are not present among America’s poor. Indeed, the poor in America have a problem with obesity.
The average consumption of protein, vitamins, and minerals is virtually the same for poor and middle-class children and, in most cases, is well above recommended norms. Poor children actually consume more meat than do higher-income children and have average protein intakes 100 percent above recommended levels. Most poor children today are, in fact, supernourished and grow up to be, on average, one inch taller and 10 pounds heavier that the GIs who stormed the beaches of Normandy in World War II. …
Overall, the typical American defined as poor by the government has a car, air conditioning, a refrigerator, a stove, a clothes washer and dryer, and a microwave. He has two color televisions, cable or satellite TV reception, a VCR or DVD player, and a stereo. He is able to obtain medical care. His home is in good repair and is not overcrowded. By his own report, his family is not hungry and he had sufficient funds in the past year to meet his family’s essential needs. While this individual’s life is not opulent, it is equally far from the popular images of dire poverty conveyed by the press, liberal activists, and politicians.6
The Self-Mitigating Nature of the Wealth Gap
It cannot be denied that there is a disparity between the incomes and lifestyles of the wealthy and those of the poor, of course, as always is the case in any economy. However, the differences between the extremes cannot be quantified in real economic terms by measuring incomes, or by inventorying the value of assets to which the individuals hold title. The living standards of individuals are affected more by the total value of the economic resources they consume. Though the poor have little, and the rich have much, in fact, poor households have access to, and use, economic resources they do not own. Conversely, the rich have wealth they never need, and never use to contribute to their own lifestyles. In fact, the non-owned wealth used by the poor (and middle class) are exactly the same excess assets owned by the rich. This is true regardless even of any philanthropy the wealthy may engage in. In that way, the wealth gap is always self-mitigating. That is, “real wealth”, as defined in terms of economic resources contributing to a person’s economic standard of living, always transfers from the wealthy to the less wealthy. Thereby, the gap between the very wealthy and the very poor is narrowed. Furthermore, as the economy expands, the rich become richer, and the poor become richer as well.
A person whose total wealth equals $500 million does not enjoy ten times as lavish a lifestyle as one who is worth “only” $50 million. In fact, their lifestyles are often very similar. The majority of their wealth is not contained in their homes, their cars, the food they eat, or the clothes they wear, though all of those items may be far more expensive than their counterparts enjoyed by the lower and middle classes. Beyond yachts and trips to exotic destinations is found a shortage of additional available personal extravagances. Both the needs and the desires of the individual have been satisfied, and excess wealth remains. Where, then, is that wealth?
A wealthy (and not-so wealthy) person’s money is always in one of three places: 1) it is spent on consumption; 2) it is donated to charity or; 3) it is invested. Only the first case contributes to the lifestyle of its owner. But all three options result in the money of the wealthy returning to those less wealthy. The only way a wealthy person can deprive the poor of his money is to deprive himself of it as well, by storing it away in cash form, in the proverbial pickle jar, where it is never used for anything, removed from circulation.
1. When anyone, rich or poor, buys items for themselves, whether durable goods, consumable goods, or services, the money spent on that consumption becomes income for others. The employees of the store who sold the item, employees of the trucking company that transported it to the store, the employees of the factory that made the item, and the employees of all the suppliers whose parts were included, all share in the benefits of the sale. In that way, consumption returns wealth to all others who work.
2. It is almost universal that very wealthy people find satisfaction in giving some of their excess wealth to needy people, either directly or, more often, through charitable organizations. Of course, in the US, we have a system under which all people with money donate to support the poorest, through taxation. When contributing through an organization, some of the donation is filtered away in administrative costs, logistics, and salaries, but 100% of the donation is returned to the economy, contributing to the well-being of all.
3. Investments take two general forms, loans and capital.
a. When money is placed in a deposit account in a bank or a credit union, or when it is invested in a lending organization such as Fannie Mae and others, it is loaned to people who, almost by definition, don’t have wealth of their own, in the forms of mortgages, car loans, and consumer debt. The investor may retain title to the money, but the money is actually in the possession of the borrower, working to provide him, not the lender, a bigger slice of the economic pie. The lender accrues interest, of course, but above his consumption needs, even that is re-invested. Greater wealth belonging to those able to lend contributes to the money supply, and makes needed resources more accessible to those in need of it, by lowering interest rates.
b. Instead of investing in loans, the excess wealth may be invested in capital. Its owner may invest in a business as a silent or managing partner, buy shares of the stocks (or mutual funds) of multiple companies, or buy government treasury bills or municipal bonds. (Government investment does not strictly fall within the category of capital, since government produces no independent economic wealth, but for the purposes of wealth transfer to individuals, it works in the same manner).There, the money goes into the buildings, equipment, inventories, salaries, and other assets which provide employment for others, and create wealth through manufacturing and commerce. So, once again, the excess wealth of the very rich, and the only moderately rich, is in the possession of others engaged in economic activity.
This de facto wealth transfer is central to the capitalist democracy. It is the capital that gives Capitalism its name. It may appear on the surface that the wealth gap is widening when one looks only at income levels, or title to wealth, over time. But this gap is self-mitigating, due to the ebb tide which returns value to the poor.
Essential for preventing real economic hardship for the poor is not preventing the rich becoming richer, but discouraging economic activity, as would occur in conditions of deflation. Deflation results in increased valuation of the currency, providing an incentive for the wealthy to use that pickle jar, and withhold his wealth from the greater economy. Therefore, deflation is a far more serious threat to all economic players, rich and poor, than an apparently widening wealth gap.
The Power Gap
A final argument against a widening wealth gap, not addressed by the mitigating ebb tide, is the matter of social and political power. While the poor and working classes may have possession of the assets of the wealthy, the wealthy do retain title to it, after all. It may be argued that they can, and will, use the wealth to buy political power. And, to an extent, that is true. But, it is true of every system and not unique to capitalism or democracy. However, there is an ebb tide here also, transferring power back to the less wealthy.
Wealthy contributors may buy the actions of current government officials, and may succeed in having some “rules of the game” customized for themselves for a limited time. Cases of this are plentiful. For example, in 1989 Charles Keating influenced five U.S. Senators to exempt his Lincoln Savings & Loan from certain federal regulations. But the United States retains government based upon populist ideals, and real, lasting political power still lies in the hands of voters. As nominal wealth is concentrated in the hands of fewer individuals, those fewer individuals, as a group, constitute a smaller direct voting bloc. Votes in an election can be bought, of course, but only insofar as image makers, speech writers, policy wonks, and spinmeisters can influence the voting public. It is possible to “buy an election” only by getting a message out, in an appealing form. (A few cases of direct vote selling occurred in the elections of 20007 and 20048, and vote selling in the US dates to the late 1800’s, but it is highly illegal, and the likelihood of buying the votes outright of sufficient numbers of private citizens to actually sway an election without detection and prosecution is effectively zero. It is also unlikely that a sufficient number of voters required to change an election’s outcome would be found willing to sell their votes, even less likely in a close election, where vote buying might make a difference.)
And finally, attempts of the wealthy to change the rules to make unlawful self-interested actions on their parts lawful, has met with limited success, at best. Charles Keating was convicted of fraud, racketeering, and conspiracy, and sentenced to 22½ years in prison. He served only 4½ years before the sentences were overturned, but more to the point, he was removed from power. The Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 requires executives to personally certify financial reports, and places criminal liability upon executives who knowingly certify false reports, or who willingly fail to know about the existence of fraud. In the post-Enron world, where scandals involving abuse of wealth and power are becoming commonplace, we are finding that the wealthy and powerful are being held responsible for their actions, if not criminally, then at least civilly. At this moment we await verdicts in the criminal trials of Kenneth Lay and Jeffrey Skilling of Enron. Even if they are acquitted of criminal behavior, they are sure to be found liable in a civil class action, where the burden of proof will be reduced from “beyond a reasonable doubt” to “a preponderance of the evidence.” The newest developing scandal on the horizon is the practice of back-dating stock options, as a means of awarding executives with enormous compensation packages, which do not appear on the company’s financial reports. But it appears at this time that light shining on this practice will end it, and new regulations be put in place to prevent future occurrences.
Putting it all together.
As long as both capitalism and democracy are at work, a widening wealth gap is of no threat, either to the economy, or to the lower classes. Greed exists in all economic systems, as a component of human nature, when resources are finite. The Soviet Union and eastern bloc operated without either capitalism or democracy, where both power and wealth concentrated in the hands of oligarchies, and vast economic resources were withheld from the massive population.
Many nations, such as Sweden, France, Germany, and others, have preserved democracy in government, but eschew the invisible hand of capitalism in favor of central planning of the economy. In these economies, the wealth gap, as well as most other natural economic phenomena, is checked by regulation.
An experiment opposite to socialism, (democracy sans capitalism), is taking place in China, where capitalism is being explored without democracy. Political communism and economic capitalism have not been combined before, and may appear on the surface to be incompatible. After all, free capitalist markets require the right for individuals to own property (capital), and the liberty to make personal economic decisions. The predictable path is that the enormous Chinese economic engine will concentrate wealth in the hands of a very small elite class. And, since power follows money, and more money follows power, the system will produce a tiny oligarchy of incredible wealth, while a billion workers toil in effective slavery. Ultimately, this will result in either a democratic revolution, or a return to collectivism.
In the United States, and several other countries which maintain both capitalist economies and constitutional democracies, the concentration of wealth is mitigated by the return of wealth to the economy, where all can partake of it. And the concentration of power is mitigated by decentralizing the ultimate political power into the hands of 300 million individual citizens.
Sources.
1 “Income Statistics.” United States Census Bureau. 30 Aug 2005. 20 May 2006 <http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/income/incomestats.html>
2 “How the Census Bureau Measures Poverty.“ United States Census Bureau. 14 Dec 2005. 20 May 2006. <http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/poverty/povdef.html#1>
3 Sperling’s Best Places. 20 May 2006. <http://www.bestplaces.net/>
4 “Fact Sheet on Resources, Income, and Benefits.” United States Department of Agriculture Food Stamp Program. 20 May 2006. <http://www.fns.usda.gov/fsp/applicant_recipients/fs_Res_Ben_Elig.htm>
5 Rector, Robert E. and Kirk A. Johnson, Ph.D. “Understanding Poverty in America”. 5 Jan 2005. The Heritage Fondation. 20 May 2006. <http://www.heritage.org/Research/Welfare/bg1713.cfm>
6 Ibid.
7 Derfner, Jeremy. “Buy This Vote! The Web puts democracy on sale”. 23 Aug. 2000. Washingtonpost.Newsweek Interactive Co. LLC . 20 May 2006. <http://www.slate.com/id/88646>
8 “Authorities halt man’s eBay offer to sell vote.” 27 Aug 2004. USA Today, Associated Press. 20 May 2006. <http://www.usatoday.com/tech/webguide/internetlife/2004-08-27-ebay-stops-vote-sale_x.htm?POE=TECISVA>
© May 20, 2006 Rex Stanfield All rights reserved
